LD 2524 
1846 
^opy 1 



METAL EDGE, INC. 2008 PH 7.5 TO 9.5 RA.T. 



BACCALAUREATE, 



BY 



^sisrss^msiw WTasjg^ m^a m^ 



PRESIDENT OF THE INDIANA UNIVERSITY, 



ADDRESSED TO THE SENIOR CLASS, 



AT THE LATE COMMMENCEMENT, 



September, 1846 



BLOOMINGTON: 

PRINTED BY C. DAVISSON 



184G. 



g 







BACCALAUREATE. 



BY 



^sri^jBJEW ww^^m^ m^. m^ 



PRESIDENT OF THE INDIANA UNIVERSITY, 



ADDRESSED TO THE SENIOR CLASS, 



AT THE LATE COMMMENCEMENT, 



September, 1846. 






/ 

BLOOM! N(^. TON: 

rKIWTED BY t' . DAVISSON. 

I8:;i;, 



k 



GRADUATES 



ii 



RESIDENCE. 
MA3IES. 

THOMAS P. CONNELLY. . - - - - Lafayette, Indiana. 

JONATHAN CLARK, Jefferson Co., Kentucky. 

THOMAS B. GRAHA^L - Jasper, Indiana. 

SAMUEL N. MARTIN, -.----- Livonia, do. 
WILLIAM P. MARTIN, -.------ do do. 

ROBERT R. ROBERTS, Newburgh, do. 

AVASHINGTON M. SHARP, - Abbeville Dist., S. Carolina- 

DAVID SHUCK, Harrison, Indiana. 

HOMER WHEELER. ------- Bristol, do. 



BACCALAUREATE 



Young Gentlej.iejs^, 

Th(; subject to VvOiich your attention is invited is, Common Sense 
in relation to affairs of State. 

There is nothing in the world so truly ad nirable as a good moral 
character, such a state of mind as constantly determines a man to do 
nothing- but what is right. 

Such a character may be considered as com.posed of three things; 
a clear understanding, so as to discern what right is; a power of con- 
science stroiigly to approve it; and integrhy of heart, to put into 
practice what conscience approves. 

It is in the last of these particulars that men principally fail in their 
duty. Men actually do what is wrong, or neglect to do what is right » 
not so much because they do not know what is right, or because they 
do not approve it, and prefer it to the contrary; but because they are 
wanting in imegrity. They see and a-pprove the right, but follow the 
v.Tong; because the dictates^ of reason and conscience are in them 
counteracted and overcome by inclination. Their heart is not in their 
duty. Something in the shape of pleasure, or gain, or power, en- 
grosses their care, and bads them^ off, in the pursuit of it, from the 
path of rectitude. 

Still, it is a matter of no small moment what kind of notions a per- 
son' entertains respecting jight and wrong; since, if incorrect, they 
will leave him without restraint on that side of his character where 
reiitraint is most needed; and as water confined will break through in 
v/hatever place the barrier which confines it is the weakest; so the 
iaipulscs which drive men into wroi:g doing will force a way for 
themselves, through those parts of their character which are render- 
ed infirm by some lurking error in tlic^ judgment. 

In the case of such as are governed by reason and conscience, llie 
only thing requisite to right action is right judgment. But the misfor- 
tune is th;U the niajerily are not in this ease. They do not follow the 
guidance of n'MAm and consei(uice. These are oracles which they 
do not consult: lor ibcy do not iuvesiigate, reflect and consider. — 



Ndi a [\ \v arc siraiicrcrs ic^ a sfnso of moral <il)liirati«»ii. Ai ilw best, 
ill- ir sense ofniural oblicratit)ii is loo W'nk lo excri aoonirollin^ iiifln- 
• lice over tlu-ir r-oiidiifi. TIk* anspifcs wliich guiil.' thcin arc taken 
froiH the id ])r<'ssii)us of the nr '.sent lioi:r. I say that ili^^ niajority 
are in this stati\ (.'ounr, and yt>u shall sec. First the children. To 
ihcsy add such as remain children all iheir days. — not in malice, it 
may he. but in knowledge. And to these add such as aro children in 
innocenc^i as well as in knowledge, — though in the proseni state of 
things this is a case more rar^; than formerly. The vcason ought to 
bo considered. It is briefly this: the improved state of the world, as 
it respects physical science and the arts which spring out of physicjil 
science, has multiplied the teu-ptations to evil practices to such a dr. 
gree as renders it exceedingly difficult, scarcely possible, indeed, for 
one to grow up to maturity retaining the innocence of childhood, un- 
less he goes on fronrt innocence to virtu*^. He is innocent who in. 
tends no harm. But a child, and much more a man, may do a vast 
deal of harm without intending it. A little child playhig with squibs 
in a magazine filled with gunpowder, may very innocently blow it 
up, and destroy many valuable lives together with its own. But a 
child is not allowed to play in a magazine among gunpowder. 

Young Gentlemen: it is a sad case. Bui it has actually happen- 
ed, not once, but often. 

I regard every man whose mind is ignorant and undisciplined, as 
best a child; and, if he have jiower in his hand, his case is that of a 
child playing with squibs among tons of gunpowder. 

The gunpowder may be well secured in barrels closely jointed, so 
that straggling grains may not escape to form a train. If so, let the 
child take its piustime in the magazine; — let the simpleton be in power. 
He will be gratified, and no great harm done to any body. But if 
j^oi so; — if the kegs of powder be not closely jointed and strongly 
hoop, d, and the floor be strewed with powder, it would be madness to 
let the child sport in the magazine; — or the simpleton have power to 
rule, in the analogous case. In the remote ages of the world, when df s- 
pois ruled over the nations, such was their condition. In the language 
of Scrijmire, "children ruled over them." We figure to ourselves the 
despots of antiquity as monsters of cruelty and wickedness. So, in 
deed, history has paint(Mi them. It is a mistake. They were not 
demons. They \ver<M.)nly fools, who ruled o\,'riheir subjects on the. 
same principle a- that aceordirg to whieh the good humored Mm- 



aignn ro;L" iiis hor^^^^ "I ride my horse," said be, -'not becans'; 1 
have a right to ride him, I do not know that. He may have a rioht 
to ride me for aught I know. But I ride him because he allows it." 

The despots of antiquity ruled over their people because their peo- 
ple allowed it; and, so far from being the monsters of cruelly which 
we are apt to imagine, they were, many of them, very benevolent 
after their fashion: that is, they were a well-meaning, innocent sort 
of folks, who, though they did a huge amount of mischief, meant 
none. 

Well-meaning folly, armed with power, is often more to be depre- 
cated than knavery itself. The spirit of religious persecution, whicli 
in past ages perpetrated such barbarities as shock our belief, was the 
ofl^pring of a most ardent zeal for the good of mankind. So earnest 
was it in the good v/ork of extirpating heresy, that it stopped at no 
means of accomplishing it. And why? Because heresy was a 
damning sin and greater than all temporal calamities, as being, in its 
consequences, eternally ruinous to the soul. To banish it from the 
earth was therefore a good work. 

In no one portion of that high philosophy, which has for its object 
the improvement of the human race, have the nations of the civilized 
world made greater advances than in that part of it which relates to 
civil government, by introducing a policy which puts it out of the 
power of benevolent folly to do so much mischief as it foraierly i\\\ 
IIow it effects this end in the free governments of Europe is manifest. 
There is powder in the magazine; but it is well secured and guarded: 
there is power in the hands of Government; but it .is kept in by checks 
();i every side and by the terrible punishment to which its abuse is 
liable, — a punishment, which, in certain memorable inslanees, has 
been inflicted without mercy. 

With us, though the policy is the same, the means are different 
In our magazine there is no great store of powder. In the nation 
th;'re is; bui it is distributed in the cartridge boxes of the citizens them- 
selves. To F.poak without a figure: no more power than is absolutely 
jieccssary i ^- lodged with the General Government, and that portion, 
small as it is, has been passing from it to the several States. 

Whether power be gathering to the State Governments, or passing 
froiri them to the people, or whether the stale of things is in thi.^ re- 
sp'>ei at rest, are points which ne(Ml not now be; dis(*ussed. 

\Vii;ii I have h'-re to i-;'mrtrk, though it may look like a paradox, is 



fi irmli wliici'.; r.-p:';i.«.iy ui iimos o\ cor/nriouon.. ! uilcc great conilnrr 
ill b'licving. It i.^ thl-^, that, so long as the spirit of our free insiitii- 
tions is preserved inviolaie, there is little danger of the nation actijig 
foolishly, even if wo .-.houkl suppose the majority of individuals com- 
posing it to be of the character just now presented in a nide and gen- 
eral outline; that ifi to say, innocent and well-meaiiing, but n:iih;r 
virtuous nor wise. 

Granted let it be that the majority are, conipayauvcily, unwise, how 
is it possible that a na'ion in which the inajorit}'^ rule, should act oth- 
erwise than unwisely? 

In consideriDgihis proble^p, w=' shall see traces of a wisdoii superi- 
friothe wisdom of man, — a v.isdora which, in a wonderful manner, 
acco ' plishes its f^nds bv means the most unpromising, bringing good 
out of evil, light out of darkness, order out of confusion, and causing 
the s^dfish and vrrathful passions of men to praise the power by vvhich 
they are controlled. 

It is a fact, too well understood to need proof or illustration here 
that whatever men do hastily under the influence of passion or preju- 
dice has little chance of being wisely done. Passion transforms w'lse 
men into fools, and what they do under its influence they regret after- 
wards, so soon as they come to themselves. Now. it is so ordered 
that a nation cannot act — this nation certainly cannot act — hastily. — 
I\Iea3ures before being put into execution, mtist go through a certain 
process prescribed in the Constitution, in undergoing which process 
they are sifted and examined on all sides and in all their bearings. — 
And this is one reason why people actiiig in and through their organ- 
ization as a nation, may alwaj^s be expected to act more wisely than 
without it. Vv^ithout it they are a mob: and the difference in action 
between a mob and an organized body, the individuals being, in both 
cases the same, is that, in the 'first case, the most violent, and in the 
second, the most prudent, will naturally take the lead. And one 
reason for this is, that which has been already mentioned, that, in the 
case of organization, time is necessarily taken to think before acting. 
Another and more powerful reason is, that what is done by a nation 
acting in and according to its organization, is usually the result of the 
mind and v\'ill, not of the majority of the whole number of individu" 
uals of which the nation is composed, but of a majority of such as are 
deemed to be the wisest and best. This is especially true in a rep- 
resentative government. The people, as a mass, may not be caj able 



r»f onginating w h ni :• iros of goveninient; yra they may ha Wise 
enough to chooso sii^h as are capable: just as, though a man may not 
have enough of architectural skill to construct a bridge, he may have 
common sense enough to employ a capable workman. All he has to 
look after is the reputation of such as seek to do the work: and, as 
this is a matter of fact, he needs no great amount of knowledge to 
enable him to decide whom he should employ. 

The right of instructing their representatives, where it is claimed 
by the people, seems, in theoty, to be predicated on the assumption 
that they are wiser than their representatives: it looks as if the peo- 
ple of a district were to employ an architect to construct a bridge for 
their accommodation, and then give him directions how the work 
was to be done. But the absurdity is only in theory: for in practice 
the representatives of the people are never instructed except in rare 
and important cases; an then, not by the people themselves, but by 
a select number, to whom they think proper to commit this part of 
the business. 

Other reasons mi-^ht be given in explication of the problem. How it 
is that a people, a majority of whom, though innocent and well-mean- 
ing, are neither virtuous nor wise, may be expected nevertheless, to 
act, upon the Whole, v/isely in their organized capacity as a nation. 
I shall Content myself with adding but one more to those already 
mentioned; and it is this, that, in virtue of a national organization, 
such individuals as are called by the voice of the people to the man- 
agement of their affairs, are, by the very fact of their elevation to 
power, put in possession of many advantages for acting wisely, as 
well as urged by many and powerful motives to make the best use of 
these advantages. The salaries they I'eceive relieve them from the 
care of providing for themselves; and thus give them leisure to care 
for the public good. They have the best opportunities of knowing 
what is the state of things in the world at present, both at home and 
abroad, as well as of profiting by the lessons of experience which 
have been handed down from the past. The honor which their coun- 
try has conferred upon them must, if they have any generous feelings, 
touch their hearts and bind them to its interests. The eyes of the 
world are upon them. The impartial judgment of posterhy will be 
pronounced upon their, conduct. A rival parly, — for in free Govern- 
ments there must be rivalparties, — a rival party stands ready to mark 
out and magnify every error they may contain. With such a'' unta- 



8 



prs tor ;icriiij^ wis In , iir.d siicli iiKlurcuiciUs lo im|»n)V(' thejn, li*' 
must hi' ciilicr inviiiciMy siiij)i<!, or iiicorriiribly perverse, wlio does 
not, with the office, hecomo, as it were, inspirod with the spirit of tlie 
office, aiul, thereby, better (]ualifled to judge and to act for the pul)lic 
i(ood, ahnost as a matter of course, in consecpience of being called to 
tak'' a part in directing the affiiirs of a great nation. 

Native good sense, confirmed by habits of right action in the ordi- 
nary walks of .life, will always be required by the people, as a prerc- 
ipiisite qualification in the character of those to whom they choose to 
intrust the management of their most important concerns; except in 
those times when party spirit rages to such a degree as to render ihem 
blind to their interests. Subject to the same exception, it may be 
confidently expected, that where other and higher qualifications, bci 
side the one just mentioned, are required to fit a man for office, the 
])eople will demand in the candidate the reputation of possessing 
them. I say, not the qualifications themselves, but the reputation of 
possessing them. I would not flatter the people; therefore I say, that 
except as to the one first mentioned, they are not capable of knowing 
who possess the requisite qualifications: neither indeed is any one, ex- 
cept on an intimate acquaintance, which, in the nature of things, is 
limited to few. I would on the other hand, do justice to the people; 
t lerefore I say that they are capable of knowing who have the rep- 
utation of possessing qualifications. Reputation is a matter of fac:» 
and of matters of fact the people are competent judges. Common 
sense is sufficient for this: and whoever will not allow to the people 
common sense has less than none himself. 

The common sense of the people, then, will generally\dect to of- 
fice such as they think have a reputat'on for the requisite qualifica- 
tions. 

Consider, now, what farther effect this must have upon the commu- 
nity. There is a law of Political Economy which you well under- 
stand, a law by which Demand acts upon Production. Talent itself 
is obedient to this law. It will come into existence where there is a 
demand for it. A nation, such as this has already become, if it 
should appoint, in the various departments of its service, persons who 
are in repute for talents such as the public service requires, will cre- 
ate a demand for such talents; and such talents will be extensively 
and assidiously cultivated, and in consequence produced in such 
nbuiKhmce liiai the supply will overrun the demand Competition 



I 



Will then lake place among those who have the product, and the pub« 
lie may choose the best. The residue will not be lost, either to the 
owner or to the public, but will find employment elsewhere which 
will be alike profitable to both. 

In this way a stimulus is applied to industry in cultivating the in- 
tellectual, and, to some extent, the moral faculties of our nature, 
which can hardly fail to have a good effect upon the nation at large. 
Our experience, though it has had, as yet, the space of but two gen- 
erations through which to run, has put the truth of this remark, so far 
as it respects the intellectual faculties, beyond dispute. There is no 
nation in the world, of which the people are not far surpassed by 
ours in knowledge generally, and especially in all kinds of knowl- 
edge relating to government. The truth of the other part of the re- 
mark, that which relates to the culture of the moral faculties, may 
seem somewhat doubtful. Grievous complaints are sometimes made 
against the people, for what is alledged to be their indifference to the 
moral character of those whom they raise into power by their suffra- 
ges. If there is, in any instance, ground for such complaints, candor 
seems to require that it be set to the account of that inherent imper- 
fection which belongs to all human affairs. And in many cases 
complaint, without sufficient reason, is made against men in power. 
Envy is always busy in detracting from the merits of men in elevated 
stations, and in endeavoring by misrepresentation to fix upon them 
unmerited censure. The pages of the grave historian have not es- 
caped its influence^ "It belongs to kings when they do well to be 
evil spoken of," is a saying of one of the sages of antiquhy, which 
contains a truth that few men who have acted much in public affairs 
arc not able to appreciate. Our rulers were all bad men, if we wil^ 
believe what was said of them by their political opponents. Wash- 
ington himself, though he well deserved the high encomium, "First in 
war; first in peace; and first in the hearts of his countrymen," was' 
in his time, traduced and vilified more than any of his successors. — 
On the other hand, it is usual with such as aim at their own aggran- 
dizement to cover over their proceedings with the most plausible pre- 
texts of zeal for the public good and devotion to the interests of tlu' 
people. B(.>sides, it is a fa(;t, developed in an age not so rcmott^ ihat 
the influence of it should have entirely gone from the minds of men. 
that an examph^ of llie very worst sort of gov(>rumeiU was sol by 
rn'Ui who were Precisians in morals, — men \\ho, whelhcMvith lionest 



10 



iiitrnii^uis or oiiurwis ■ ;i maiuix iku. — ;itirnij»i(.<i wuii .uil ili:-ir zctj 
to make of civil govcrnincnt itself I'ui instruiiieiit fur p' rfecting the 
moral nature of their subjects aiul preparing them thus for the felici- 
ty of heaven. The people of these United Sta'es may not even 
know this fact, yet its influence has rfached iheir inmost thoughts. — 
It htis comedown upon them through the stream of time, like oihe"^ 
traditionary influences of whose nature and origin they are ignorant: 
yi^t do these influences actuate them and determine their modes 
of thinking and acting. They constitute a part of their common 
sense, which, if not an infallible, is. nevertheless, upon the whole, a 
very safe and useful guide. 

The only questions which the people should ask, said .Mr. Jefier- 
son, respecting a candidate, are these two: Is he honest? Is he capa- 
})le? The people do ask these questions. They do not expect either,- 
that one, who in his general character is dishonest, will be honest and 
trustworthy in a public station. They may be deceived in this mat- 
ter, but the case is rarely to be found, in which they have called into 
iheir service such, whose reputation for integrity did not stand fair. — 
In fact, as the characters of our public men do actually undergo a se- 
verer scrutiny than with other nations; so, it is gratifying to reflect 
that, they have been generally such, to say the least, as to bear it as 
well. 

There is another view of this subject which demands a remark. 
Common srnse gives a feeling of common interest in that social or- 
ganization, which connects us together with others in the same body- 
We feel that we arc identified in the body. Its prosperity and adver- 
sity, its glory and its disgrace, its strength and its weakness, are our 
own. A\'iien it is exalted, we are proud: we are humbled in its degra- 
dation. This is patriotism. It is by no means rare among men. — 
The common sailor, no less than his admiral, feels its inspiration, and 
burns with a noble enthusiasm for the honor of his national flag. The 
common soldier feels the same. So do the peaceful cultivators of 
the soil, and the man of trade, and the artisan, and even the day la- 
borer, who has no other interest in his country than the rights which 
he derives from his citizenship alone. Nor learning, nor wisdom* 
nor wealth, nor even virtue, in the proper sense of that term, is ne- 
cessary to this benevolent passion. Nothing is necessary to it but 
common sense, in which, as has been already intimated, innocence iv 
included. A love of mischief is the sure mark of a dunce. V>'ork- 



<cm of mlschit'f have not conimon. sens?. They may be among tliR 
people; but ih^^y are not of tb.e people.. Tliey have no interes\s in 
common witl) the people; and for tlie reason that ihey have no senses 
in common with tlie people. They feel nothing of pain, while ihey 
iafiict pain; nor remorse, when they do wrong to another. These 
wretches may cling to a nation, like vermin to a diseased body, but 
they are no part of it. When I speak of the people, L exclude 
those, as aliens from, liumanity. 

Let, then, a person possess but common sense and no other dis- 
tinction whatever, except that which bare citizenship confers, and h© 
will have a concern in whatever affects the w.ell-being of the nation 
of which he is a citizen; and that not only as it respects the present,. 
but for the future. Fremont, in his Journal, gives som.e account, of a 
tribe of Indians a little west of the Rocky Mountains, who- seem to, 
Itave no more foresight than wild-beasts. Nature has provided for 
them, in abundance, fish and salt, and both of the best quality; on 
which they live sumptuously in the summer; but in the winter many 
of them perish for want of food. History abounds in instances of a 
like nature, suffi^ciently numerous to justify the conclusion that it is 
owing to man's union with man in national relations that he learns to. 
extend his views and plans into the future, as well as to profit by tli'^ 
experience of the past, and thus rises into the dignity of a rational 
being. To tliis cause, chiefly, are to be attributed the advantages of' 
civilization: and thus it is easily seen, how it is that the people, with- 
out any other guide than their own common sense, will feel deeply 
concerned for the perpetUci,tion of their national existence, and coji. 
sequently fearful of such innovations and convulsions as seem to. 
bring it into danger. The common sense of the people is the true 
couservativo power of the nation.. 

Having seen what common sense maybe relied on to accomplisli. 
in relation to civil govermnent, let us turn the subject, and consider 
wh(;rein it is liable to fiil. Tliis is a very interesting enquiry, c^spe 
ciaily for the slatesir an. For, since Government \rai< ulliniauMv 
notliing to depend upon but the common setise of the })eoi)h\ it smMu . 
lo folhnv, tliat wh,'Uev(M-is not wiihin th(^ s|)]u'n' of coinnion S(m;sli ivS 
^v'njioiit, ilu) proviiici^ of g()V(M-nii.(MU: ;u»d wliciicMM- gt)V(M-inKe,ii 
me(ldlcs with what (hx^s tiot of riglit beh>ng to il, nii.-c hicf in couso- 
queuffM.-: sure to fill iijto!) iis suiijccis. I')V altiMuplir.iMoo nuieh, in- 
<h\ jihials nior.' rrcijuniilv l)riiig ruin u[)on their alliiirs, than by ihiing 



lunhing at all. "^Aiiil \viil» L';t)\<i-iiniciiis, liiilic rto. ilii.;, I U-licvc, him 
almost always boon the caso. 

To comprcheiul, ina general roiu.'irk, [ill such thiiit;; as govern- 
ment ouirhinoi to attempt wouhl bo very easy: — it would be only to 
say, that of all such things possible to be done they are either sucli 
as are wrong in themselves, and so not to be done at all, or such as, 
though they ought'to be done, lie without the province of government, 
and for this reason ought not, by government, to be attempted. Bui, 
though very true, this is too general to be satisfactory. Whoever 
would undertake' tq^say anything on a subject so vast and complica- 
ted, and embarrassed by so many prejudices, must descend somewhat 
into particulars, and thus point out the way in which the thoughtful 
mind may direct its inquiries. With this view, and with great diffi- 
dence, I shall suggest a few remarks. 

Common sense fails in distinguishing right from wrong. It feels 
the difierence betv/cen good and evil, and recoils from the idea of in- 
flicting on others what is painful to itself; and the reverse. And, so 
far, it seems to recognize the golden rule. But it does not: for the 
drunkard gives freely of his bottle to his destitute fellow, according 
to the rule, as his common sense understands it; for this is the very 
thing which he would have his fellow to do to him in a change ofcir- 
cu'.yjstances. And, not long since, this was the common sense of the 
people, rich and poor, throughout the nation, Besides, justice in cer- 
tain cases inflicts pain, which is an evil. But common sense cannot 
tell why. And hence, being guided by no moral principle, it is tho 
wildest and most irregular of all things, crying, to-day, Ilosannah; 
to-morrow, Crucify. We have seen it in one nation, in the extreme 
of cruelty, beheading a kind hearted king and his queen, and butch, 
ering other females of his family; for no other reason but because 
the two kings who preceded him had spent too much of the nation's 
money — in war, one of them, and the other in debauchery; and so the 
l)eople were brought to the point of starvation; and in another na- 
tion,* we have seen it in the opposite extreme of mercy — maintain- 
ing, wiih<»u mercy or candor, the doctrine that the robber and the 
murderer should neither be resisted nor punished, but reclaimed by 
being made the objects of special kindness. Cato of Liica slew hin\ 
self. The common sense of his sect of philosophers decided that 
suicide was in certain cases right. C)ur common sense decides against 



13 



11. On Napoleon's retreat out of Syria., som^ of his soldiers wero 
infected with the plague. To take ihcni along was to endanger the 
whole. To leave them behind was to expose iheni to the cruelty of 
the exasperated Turk, He, therefore, directed his surgeon, Desgen- 
nettes, to give to each of them a mortal dose of opium. Desgcn- 
nettes refused. Which was right? he'l or Napoleon? Common sense 
cannot decide. 

Again: Common sense fails in discrimination. Except where dif- 
ferences are palpable, it does not distinguish; and is therefore liable 
to mistake appearance for reality; what is relative for what is abso- 
lute; custom for right; presumptions for truths; antecedents for cau- 
ses; what is casual for what is constant. 

The heavens seem to revolve round the earth; and common sense 
decides that they in reality do so. If we had antipodes, it seems that 
they must walk, like flies along the ceiling, feet upwards. Which, 
according to common sense, proves that the earth is not spherical. 

Articles have been, for sometime past, steadily advancing in price; 
and common sense, expecting that they will continue to advance, sets 
people, all who have money or credit, upon making purchases, with 
the viev/ to sell again, when prices have risen still higher. Thus, 
when all sails are spread to catch the prosperous breeze, a sudden 
tempest strikes the vessel, and down it goes, credii and all, to the hot. 
torn. There was a relative change between articles and money: but 
it was in the money sinking in value, not in the articles rising. 

When the practice of the mercantile world made the slave trade a 
custom, common sense pronounced it right; and when lately this na, 
tion extended its territory by peaceful annexation, the common 
sense of some was shocked. Had it been done by war and conquest^ 
the thing had been according to the Law, — that is Custom, — of Na- 
tions, and, of course, right! 

Success, in any great enterprize stamps it, in the view of common 
sense, with the impression of justice; the want of it, with infruny. — 
"Sequitur Fortunam,ut semper, ct edit damnatos." Common stuise 
always thinks the world right side up for tho lime, and shov/s no- 
quarter to such as are for turning it u[>side flown: hence it is, for th'."! 
most part, opi)osed to all innovations. 

If a ciiizen has shown himsf^lf to be possessed of niilii;n-y iMif^nlS' 
by gaining victori(;s over the eiH>mies of his roumry, ii (•i";i,<('s, iu ilie 
view of common sense, a presuin[)i)on that he is net d'Miri'iu in tlu.- 



14 

lalciii.'; r.iiiiislu- lor i-lv'.l piv. tiiuhmii uIso; uiiii ihis coiifiirrlii^ with 
iht.' i!;r;uiiiiil«' of i!u' p -i)])!!' -,';kl')iii tail'? to elevate men ot' iliis st>n lo 
ilie liirrli'-si pUu-i's ot'lmnor and lUiiliority. 

Tho story is told, suniewlier;', of a harbor on the coasi of Kuii,- 
land, into which the sand iiad (h-il'ied, so as to render ii useless., l^n. 
quiry was made lor the cause, and ii was ascertained that tlv3 harbor 
liad I ccn navigable, till about the time wlien a certain church itad 
been built in the neighborhood; whereupon it was resolved to d.cinol- 
i di tile church. The s^t ^ry may be a fiction, but it illustrates very 
v.cil the error into which connnon sense is apt to fall. Certain meas- 
ures have been adopted, and the country has prospered. And yet, 
the prosperity may not be in CvJnsequence of the measures, but in 
spite of them. 

As to what was meniior.e I last, in the specification just now given. 
fi{ the cases in which common sense fails to discriminate, namely? 
litat of the dilfercnce between the casual and the constant, lc,-t it be 
observed, that there is really nothing casual in itselt'; since what wo 
ascribe to chance flows from some cause or concurrence of causes, as 
truly as any other eifoct whatever. But those things are casual to. 
• IS, of which the causes are either unknown or cannot be subjected to 
calculation. If we knew the concurring caitses of what we call ac- 
<ident, and could calculate upon them, it would be no accident to us^ 
And if, in an experiment, any one of a number o( concurring causes 
be left out, the result will not be the same. 

In the inlan'jy ofour Crovjrnm Mit, th > dang r of our being drawn 
into the whirlpuol of Ktiri>poan [lujiiics was so deeply felt by our i:aler.s 
and lhr3 people generally, lii.it, in order to avoid it, the Cliinese policy 
came, for a lime, into liivor, and, was, to a certain extent, carried into 
execution. The nutives which dictated the policy were good, aivd the 
policy iiad been wi.-e, but thi;t it o\erlookcd cne thing iu its caictda. 
lion.'- — the .spirit of naval enlerpri.se innate in the people of the North, 
ern State.^. Tais spirit, which disdained to j)ay tribute to the liarbary 
Puw(?rs for the use of ill : .Meditterrancan, and which enjoyed the per. 
ilsol'the djej>, with which it had fuiiiliarizcd itself in every form and 
ifi every sea, was not likely to submit to a s\ stem which allowed it no 
room fir tlie exercise of its powers. Common sense did not see thi.^, 
however, at the time; and such as were opposed to the policy were de. 
nounced as 1\ dcrali-sts. 

For the n.asi n j'i.<t mer.t\)no(l, me;'..' u -es of p<»llcy, whieh were enu- 



i 



15 

ileiilly feuccessfal in other times and countries, niiirht liot prosper \ii 
the grand experiment which is in progress now, and here. It is anew 
thing under the sun— essentially new: and certainly, if it be foolish 
to attach a piece of new cloth to an old garnient, it cannot be wise to 
attach an old piece oi cloth to a new garment. 

Again, I remark, that common sense, though not confined altogether 
to the present in its views, does not extend tliem far into the future. 
No man ever planted an acorn, prompted by conitiion sense. Yet, 
planting acorns^ literally, might be of great advantage to a nation. To 
do it, in a metaphorical sense, that is, to petform certain works, the 
consequences of which will not begin to appear, till after those who 
perform them are no more on earthy is the very thing which, more 
than any thing else^ tends to make nations great and illustrious. 

Once more, I remark, that common sense does not appreciate those 
things which produce effects, whether fir good cr for evil, by means 
that are not palpable. These things belong to' another sphere, above 
the sphere of common sense, that of high science. A man, from his 
observatory, is gaining at something through a telescope;— and every 
iiow and then he makes a figure or two on a piece of paper. Now, if 
you tell a person of plain couuiion sense that this man is doing what 
will profit the world much more than that which is done by the farmer? 
the artisan, or the merchant, and that it will be the means of saving 
maiiy lives, and much property, from per'shing by shipwreck, he will 
probably suspect you of an attempt to play upon hiS credulity. 

There arc other branches of high science, those I mean which arc 
conversant with the operation of moral causes, with respect to which, 
for a similar reason, common sense is at fault. The truths contained 
in these branches of high science, when enunciated in words, arc, in 
fact, in the apprehension of common sense, so many enigmas. They 
abound in all ancient writings. Take an instance or two, by way of 
specimen; "The half is greater than the whole.^' '^Bc not righteous 
over inuch.'" "Woe to thee that spoi lest and thou wast not spoiled; 
Jind dealest treacherously and they dealt not trcacJierousiy with thee! 
when thou ceascst to spoil, thou shalt be spoiled J and when thou ceas^ 
est to deal treacherously, they shall deal treacherously with th.ee '' 
"The meek shall inherit the earth." "In Political 'Econoujv two an.j 
two do not always make four — frequently they nnkc one." 

Time docs not allow us to pursue the analysis cf lUr sul .|:-ct any 



1(5 



fiirllirr. Lot i;s (T.iHicr into one view the principil points that 1ihv(? 
presented tlicnisclves. We linve scon 

1. TlKit ci\il <rovernmont, (I nieiui thritkintl of it wliicii is called 
free,) rests ultimately on the common sense oflhe j)eoj)!e. 

2. Common sense dwells aniong appearances and particulars, which 
it can, however, with a certain degree of accuracy, generalize. But 

o. It docs notjexce])t in palpable cases, discriminate. 

4. it never rises into the sphere of high science, whether in Physics 
or in jM orals. 

From these tfuths^ demonstrable^ as it appears that they are, from 
the nature and condition of man, certain consequences follow; to one 
bnly of which I shall call your attention, and then conclude. It is this? 
that, under a certain condition, implied in the foregoing remarks, and 
to be distinctly mentioned in its proper j)lacc, the people may be safely 
trusted to perform the part assigned to them in the Constitution. 

Who arc the people? and what is the part prescribed for them in the 
Constitution? 

Who are the people? The term is used as embracing in it all per- 
sons, except such as are notoriously distinguished from the mass. This 
definition excludes, on the one side, as\beforc was said, evil doers: for 
they are notorious for wickedness. It excludes, on the other side, such 
as arc distinguished for their virtue, or talents and attainments in high 
.science. Tinse cx'r3m\s boin;^ 1 )^)pGd olT o;i cither side, thcro are 
'eft under the denomination, 'J'hc Peo|)le, those, all those, and none 
but those, whjsc chief characteristic is common sense, in which is im- 
])lied innocence, or a disposition averse to social injury. 

What is iho pari uhich they have, by ihc consiituiion lo perform? 
T(j choose their rulers. And is not common sense competent for 
this? Not inward character, — to penetrate which has not been given 
to man — it is the prerogative of God to seai'ch the heart — not charac- 
t«^r, but re>piitation, which is the appearance of character, its outward 
face, and which is a matter of fact, is what the people must look to, 
in choosing their rulers. And so do courts of jusiicp, in matters af- 
fecting the lives of men. ^Vhen the veraciiy of a witness is in doubt, 
the inquiry is, not into his veracity, a thing which in itself no morta' 
can know, but into his repuiaiion for veracity, which, like other mat- 
ters of fact, may be known, li^ indeed, civil government were not 
confined, as ours hapj)ily is, to matters cognizable bv common sense; 
^ — if, for instance, the end of civil government wrre, as once it was 



It 



thought to be, to promote true religion, it would be necessary'for gov^ 
ernmeiit to resort to means in the use of which common'sense would 
be continually baffled; to say nothing of the persecution under forms 
of law, and the civil wars, which'\vould be the consequence. 

Except, then, in cases of great emergency, among which may be 
reckoned the amendment of the constitution, the constitution has left 
for the people nothing to do but elect their rulers: and for this, com- 
mon sense is sufficient. But in those other cases of emergency, it 
might seem that something more and better is needed. There is: and, 
whatever name we may please to give to the process by which it is 
formed, the thing itself is Public Opinion. 

It is formed by the refractive power of the body poUtic acting up- 
on thought, like the atmosphere upoii'the rays of light* The loftiest 
peaks, rising heavenward far above the clouds, first catch the living 
lightf;lower eminences next; and so on, till it is "deep day," when 
the lowest valley is illuminated. The young, and such as are sensi- 
ble that they need information, naturally seek it from the elders of 
the people; from such as are in repute for wisdom; from such as have 
had great experience; from such as, having enjoyed great advantages 
for knowing, have also diligently improved them; and from such es. 
pecially as are under no very strong temptation to misapprehend the 
truth of things, or misrepresent it to others. If any do not so, it 
must be either because they w.re not, or because they lack common 
sense; for common sense pays due deference to the opinions of oth- 
ers, especially, such as are knbwn to lead a serious, thoughtful and 
enquiring course of life. Even persons who occupy the highest 
grades of knowledge, disdain not to learn from those of the lowest, 
since the desire for truth increases as the knowledge of it increases, 
iand the most ignorant may know something which may have escaped 
the observation of the wisest. The opinions of men have a certain 
rou'^^hness, till it is'rubbcd off, in being compared With those of other 
men; so that what may be true in the abstract is rarely fit for use, till 
it is modified and polished, by undergoing the action upon it of 'many 
minds. The most knowing arc not all-knowing; and there arc fc\v 
subjects, which, in the sliort space of human life, can be examined on 
all sides, and viewed in all their bearings, by the same individual. — 
Wisdom in the government of a nation is nothing, after all, but the 
common sense of the nation improved and corrected into a sound 
public o|)iniop. ajid enlightened, by receiNing into' itself the inirer 



13 



_ i of reason, as tievtlopcd in ihe imcrcoursc of miuii wiih mind, in 
i.r long and varied course of human experience. 

Enough has been said, 1 trusi, to justify the position which it wa.^ 
the inieniion of these remarks to maintain and illustrate, namely 
ihai the people may be safely trusted to perform the pan assigned to 
them in the constitution. This position, you will remember, wa» 
taken under an implied condition, which was to be distinctly men- 
lioned in its proper place. This is that place. 

The condition is this, that the number of evil doers, a class which 
1 am unwilling to include under the same name with the people, b3 
not so numerous as to be able, whether by violence, or their votes, to 
take the control of the affairs of State. For, under this condition of 
things, protection to person or propeny, which is the proper end of 
civil government, cannot be enjoyed by the industrious and peaceable 
portion of the citizens. And, indeed, since government in all case^ 
must derive its entire support from such citizens, they will not long 
endure, — it is not in the nature of man long lo endure, — a state of 
ihings which gives the products of honest industry into the hands of 
a set of tyrannical and insolent oppressors, to bs squandered by them 
in riot and licentious living. 

And the tyranny of many is far less endurable than liiat oi one: 
even as, were a person condemned to be devoured, he would rather 
suffer thai kind of <iea^ by a single tiger, than by ten millions of 
fleas. 

What then can be done to prevent the number of evil-doers, infest- 
ing the community, from progressively increasing to such a degree as, 
sooner or later, to overthrow, or corrupt that free goverment which 
we justly hold so dear? in answer to this question I can onlv say at 
present, that, whatever can be done for this purpose must be done 
chiefly by the citizens in their individual capacity, each one acting by 
himself in obedience to the dictates of his own mind and conscience- 
If everv- citizen were to do this, all would be virtuous. And this is 
more than any government can do. All that government here aims 
at, is to keep the citizens innocent, or, more properly speaking, innoc- 
cuous: and it has been usually found that, whenever governments 
have attempted more than this, they have, in the same proportion, 
accomplished less. In their anempis to improve a portion of the earth 
iato a Paradise, they have converted it into an Aceldama, 

Whaicveris pure on earth is privaie: what is common is, to some 



IB 



extent, also unclean: and as government proceeds upon principle.':: of 
common sense, it can go no further than, common sense, that is jeo- 
|)le in common, will approve. For stopping at this point it is to be 
praised, so long.as it leaves its subjects at liberty to go as much fur- 
ther, each- for himself, as they please. You do not approve of slave- 
ry. It is well. But does the government compel you to keep a 
slave? Not at all. Why then do you complain? But slavery ought 
to be abolished. Abolish it then, as fast as you can — only in a peace- 
able Vv'ay: for if you use violence, government will deal with you as 
an evil-doer. This is, at least, common sense.. 

Young Gentlemen: from an attentive consideration of that pan 
of the general subject to which your, thoughts have been turned on the 
present occasion, it is not too much to expect that you may be able to 
draw some useful instruction, as to that course of conduct which, in 
future life, you ought to pursue as individuals: it will, however, more 
especial!}^ deserve your attention in its bearings upon your relations 
to the public, the people, your fellow citizens.. Should it fail to sug. 
gest to you, on all occasions, what j^ou ought to do, it may, at least, 
admonish you of some of the things which it will become you to a- 
void. I shall conclude by mentioning some few of these things, 
leaving it to your own reflections to find out the rest. 

And, first, you will, in most of'hose cases which immediately af- 
fect the people, be cautious how you act upon the knowledge of facts 
unknown, or not well understood,.by the people: for, till they know 
vUid understand the facts, they cannot be expected to approve the con- 
duct j)rcdicated upon them, Ovv'ing to their neglect of this rule, i^. 
has often happened that honest-hearted persons have been put down__ 
and their efforts defeated, by others, who, though actuated by no con- 
cern for the public good, have known how to maneuvre so as to gain 
an advantage over them analogmis to that which, in naval tactics, is 
called ihe "Weather-gague." Innocence, tlie imiocence of a dove, 
lobe safe, must be joined with the wisdom of the serpent. 

In the second place; you will avoid, as much as possible, ] arty ns' 
S(K;iations, and the exc(\sses of parly spirit. Whoever ;ittaches him- 
.self to a party makes liimself, to some extent, a slave, and may ex- 
pect the treatment of a slave, whenever he refuses to g;) all length;! 
wilh the, });i,rly thru iio calls his, hut that in r;\-iruy owns An/? a:i theirs: 
but, besides this, he deprives himscslf of the advantage of that ini- 
{)rjvement, both in virtue and happiness, which is to bo derived frjiu 



iiO 



iho IV.^'"' ;uul c'iilar<T(-{l iniorcoursc^ of mind wiiii miutl. W'oiv nil ihe 
wisdom and all ihc goodiK'ss liiai iliciv' i> among men to bo collected 
iiuo one |)an\ , it would be soincihijig now under tl»c sun. P»cwar(! of 
ilio folly thai (•.\))Of't?:, and the arrogance that claims, any such thing. 
I iiion wiih apany may advance to oflice: but my serious advioe to 
you and all my young friends, is never to seek office. If it come, 
you need not, without reason, reject it; hut, in no case, run after it. 

Ill the third place, let this subject teach you the folly of supposing, 
and the still greater folly of acting as if you su))i)osed, that the peo- 
ple |iossess(Mi nt)t common sense: for, lluuigh they may not be able 
"to divitle a hair betwixt its south and souih>west side," they know 
-'the dilferencc between a hawk and a hand-saw." As contemptible iq. 
the eyes of all men of sound learniiig as they arc odious to all per- 
sons of common s(>nse,are those empty and conceited pidants, who» 
because they may have a Diploma from some College or Literary 
Society to show, seem to think themselves raised to an tlevation to 
which the comnion people nay think tl,iemselvcs too happy in having 
the privilrg- to look up. Not that I would have you think the less of 
yourselves, on account of the advantages you may have derived from 
that course of study which you have just completed: they ari advan- 
tages, however, which will operate, and ought to operate against you, 
if you consider them as possessions of which you are to be proud, 
and not as means of usefulness, to be laid out and employed in pro- 
moting the true interests of the peo])le. You will do well to remem- 
ber that you are still of the people, and that their interests are your 
interests. In truth, I reckon it among the advantages of \hat liberal 
course of study in which you have been engaged, that it is likely to 
])rcs.rve you from the error of thinking more highly cf yourselv.s 
than you ought to think. It is not the man of liberal education who 
is apt to exalt hims.'lf: for he has been accustomed to stand, as it 
were, in thej)resence of -'the mighty dead;" and reverently to listen 
to thos;^ men who have been most eminent in all ages past, for natural 
talent, acquired knowledge and moral worth, and who, though d- ad. 
still speak in tlu ir innnortal work-^. Thus th-y have acquired the 
habit of deferring to others, and of distrusting themselves whenever 
they arc drawn, by a course of independent thinking, towards con- 
elusions for which no support can be fomid in the common sense of 
inankind, or the amhoriiy of the wise and good of other ti'.ines and 
{•ountric.-.. (Mi ilu- contrarv, ih? most self-conceit"d ar:? usually such,» 



21 



^vhosa oppertuiuiies have been as lia ited as ilieir capacities. Per- 
sons of this sort make the most independent ihinker3. Having passed 
their youth in seclusion from all the world, except such as are no bet- 
ter cultivated than theras Ives, if they should happen on any occa- 
sion, to have their brain fired by any exciting idea, they are in haste 
to gatlier tip some scraps of learning, and to make trial of their gifts 
of oratory, that they may be the better able to impart it to the world. 
Pursuing their one idea out of its connections, they soon take their 
leave of the world of common sense, and get into a world of their 
own, a world built and furnished out of their own one idea. So pro- 
lific is it. It becomes to them sun, moon, and stars; earth, sea, and 
air; and the whole human race besides. They are rich in it: inde- 
pendent. Liberal, too, of their wealth, they are; ready to impart in- 
struction, that is to say, their one idea, to others; but too indep'-ndent 
to net d any in return. Now, in all seriousness, I would say that 
th' ir unwillingness to receive instruction in return, is their own loss, 
and affords no good reason why you should refuse to receive the ben- 
efit of their one idea. For I hold that, whoever contributes a single 
idea to the common stock of knowledge which is in circulation in any 
community, is, so far, a public benefactor, and ought to be treated as 
such; even though he should so m.agnify the importance of his one 
idea, as to refuse to act in concert with those who have that one, and 
one tnore. 

You wil. bear it in tnind, then, that, in the busy world into which 
you are about to enter, you will find many, your inferiors in literarv 
a,nd scientific attainments, from whom, nevertheless, ycu may lear.i 
much. While you have been studying books, they have been study, 
ing men and things: and though you may be better able than they to 
demonstrate what is best in the ahstract, they may know more than 
you about what is practicable. What concerns you most, is, indcn-d, 
to be regulated by yoiu- own mind, acting under a sense of your re- 
sponsibility, as individuals, to tlie Author of your being. Still, as Hvt 
designed you for society, that you may act your part in it, it will Ix^- 
ronie you to arrogate to yourselves no superiority over your f(>llov> - 
citizens, as to tliose interests which are connnoii to tiiem with you, 
and blindly attaching yourselves to no ])oliiical party, nor \v\ to tht^ 
h'arued, a.s a ])arty, disliuct Irom the body oi' ilie people, cominli 
yourselves to tlu^ guidance of common sens(\ Our govrrimient is 
rnost emphatically one of common sense. Us founders indeed wen' 



illuiiiiiiattMl Ijy a ktiowl.'dn;;', a:ul guiJed l)y a wioiloni, ni;icli siijjfrior 
t(» conimon sense; and for iliis very reason it was, liiai. in framinu 
ilio coiLsiiiuJion of a goveruinoiit for the |)eo])le and to })o jiui irii * 
i!iH liand/? of the i)eci)le, iIkv constructed it on tho i;rincij)les of that 
iarulty w hich judges according to sense, a faculty which the Author 
of nature has bestowed upon all meii. By some among the wisest of 
the founders of our government, it wai^ thought to be but an experi- 
ment, it imav be so. Lei it, however, have a i'ftie course and a fair 
chance. The time is propitious. The space it occupies gives room 
enough: and, though ihjva are difficulties in its wav, let us hope that, 
by the blessing of that Kind Providence which has guarded it hiihv-^rto 
upon prudent and persevering eflorts f)r their removal, thev will, at 
length, be ri3mov(Ml, the r-'sources of this vast country be developed 
by tho iiidusirv and ent_M-prizc of an expanding populauon, increasing 
by a ratio bcsond example, till the nation shall bitcom^, in tho fullest 
sense of tho terms, a natioji of frfM->;r, en. great, united aiid happy, tho 
joy and {M'aioC of the wliole ear'].. 



4. ''^'■- - 



SIXTEENTH ANNUAL COMMENCEMENT 

OF 

THE INDIANA STATE UNIVERSITY, 

WEDNESDAY, SEPT. 30T1I, 1846. 



ORDER OF EXERCISES. 



MUSIC by the Monroe Baiid — University Grand March. 

PRAYER. 

Music. ..-..«- The Chariot. 

Salutatory. 
- College Horii'piye. 

- Utility of Controveusy, 
Highland Brigade. 

Rank and Dignity of M.\^ 
Boston Brigade. 

Stoicism, 
Handell's Quick Step. 

Rank Gives Force to Example. 
- Kendall's Quick Step. 

W. M. SHARP, - Universal Peace — Effect of Cpiristi.anity. 
Music, Hail Columhla. 

\). SHUCK, - - Effect of a Belief in a Future St.vte. 
Music, - - . . Lafayette's Welcome. 

11. WHEELER, - Moral Influence of Physical Science. 
Music, Grand Entry. 

S. N. MARTIN, Valedictoky. 

Music, - - - . . Titus' March. 



T. 


B. GRAHAM, 




IMusic, 


J. 


CLARK, 




Music, 


T. 


P. CONNELLY, 




Music. 


W 


. P. MARTIN, 




Music, 


R. 


R. ROBERTS, 




Music, 



BACCALAURlvATIs AND DEGREES CONFl^RREI). 



Bi":NJ-:i)i("i'ioN, 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



028 342 326 8 




